오페라시아

Autonomia Operaia
토리노의 오페라극단 그라피티, 1977년 작문

Autonomia Operaia(이탈리아어: 노동자 자치)는 1976년부터 1978년까지 특히 활발히 활동한 이탈리아의 좌파 운동이었다. 그것은 1968년 5월 이후 만들어진 포테레 오페라이오로타 컨티뉴아 같은 초기 조직들을 제쳐두고 1970년대 자치운동에서 중요한 역할을 했다.

시작

자치주의 운동은 로마의 온다 로사, 볼로냐의 라디오 앨리스, 피렌체의 콘트로라디오, 파도바의 라디오 셔우드, 그 밖의 지역 라디오 등 자유 라디오 운동을 중심으로 자생하여 전국으로 확산되었다. 그것은 또한 밀라노의 로소, 로마의 I Volsci, 파두아의 인노토피아, 볼로냐의 A/트레버소 등 전국적으로 유통된 여러 신문과 잡지를 발행했다. 분권형, 지역주의 네트워크 또는 운동의 '지역'이었는데, 특히 로마, 밀라노, 파두아, 볼로냐 등에서 강했으나, 1977년의 전성기에는 이탈리아 공산당(PCI)조차 존재하지[1] 않는 작은 마을과 마을에서도 종종 존재했다.

There was also an armed tendency known as autonomia armata (armed autonomy).[2]

People such as Oreste Scalzone, Franco Piperno, professor in Calabria University, Toni Negri in Padova or Franco Berardi, aka Bifo, at Radio Alice were the movement's most well-known figures. The movement became particularly active in March 1977, after the police in Bologna killed Francesco Lo Russo, a member of Lotta Continua. This event gave rise to a series of demonstrations in various parts of Italy. Bologna University and Rome La Sapienza University were occupied by students. On orders from Interior Minister Francesco Cossiga the carabinieri surrounded Bologna's university area. This repression met with some international protest, in particular from French philosophers Michel Foucault, Jean-Paul Sartre, Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari, who also denounced the Italian Communist Party's (PCI) opposition to the University occupation. The PCI was supporting at this time Eurocommunism and the historic compromise with the Christian Democrats.

The clash between the PCI and Autonomia

On 17 February 1977 Luciano Lama, secretary-general of the CGIL, the trade union closest to the PCI, gave a speech inside the occupied La Sapienza University. During the speech, the autonomi and the CGIL's security organization had a violent clash, that resulted in Lama being chased away. This confrontation prompted the expulsion of the students by the police.

The clash between the PCI and Autonomia reinforced the more radical current within Autonomia. The creative current, which included extravagant components, such as the Indiani Metropolitani movement, found themselves in a minority. Some of the autonomi decided that the time had come to alzare il livello dello scontro (escalate of the conflict), in other words, to start using firearms.

Autonomia and armed struggle

Especially after the more effective prosecution, following the Moro Affair in early 1978, many autonomi went underground, reinforcing groups such as the Red Brigades, the Nuclei Armati Proletari (NAP) (a group active mainly in Naples prisons, where many autonomi members had been incarcerated), the Squadre Proletarie di Combattimento, the Proletari Armati per il Comunismo (PAC), Azione Rivoluzionaria, the Unità Comuniste Combattenti and Prima Linea, spread mainly throughout northern and central Italy. Also over 200 small, localised, armed groups were briefly active before suppression and/or amalgamation with the second generation of the much larger armed organizations, such as Red Brigades or Prima Linea (Front Line), between 1978 and 1982, a period in contemporary Italian history known as the "Years of Lead" (Anni di Piombo).[citation needed]

However, Autonomia Operaia was not related to and certainly did not direct the Red Brigades, as was claimed by the prosecution at the 7 April 1979 trial of Antonio Negri and other arrested intellectuals and activists involved in Autonomia Operaia and Potere Operaio during the 1970s. This fact was recognized by the Italian legal system when all charges of membership and direction of the Red Brigades were dropped on appeal. Nevertheless, the myth still persists today, mainly due to some unscrupulous journalism, that Autonomia Operaia and the Red Brigades were one and the same organization. Overall, it would be better to think of Autonomia Operaia as a decentralized network or archipelago of various types of very localized autonomist social movements and organizations, than one integrated social movement at the national level.[citation needed]

Following the increase and generalization of repression throughout the entire extra-parliamentary left during the early 1980s, when thousands of activists were imprisoned in carceri speciali (special prisons for terrorist and Mafia prisoners), most of the movement disbanded. At the beginning of the 1980s, a few of them entered Democrazia Proletaria, a far-left party which in the 1970s and 1980s ran for local, national and European elections, achieving however little success. Nevertheless, the movement began to revive in the second half of the 1980s, when occupied social centres (Italian: centri sociali occupati) started to become widespread in the main Italian cities. However, the new Autonomia is profoundly different from the Autonomia Operaia of the 1970s, although there is some continuity in both movement structures, especially the free radio stations and some long-term squatted social centres, such as the CSO Leoncavallo in Milan, and intellectuals, such as Toni Negri and Oreste Scalzone. They have recently returned from their flight in Paris and elsewhere during the 1980s and 1990s, along with some 200 other autonomists.[citation needed]

참고 항목

외부 링크

참조

  1. ^ 건 쿠닝하임, 패트릭. Autonomyia: 1970년대 이탈리아의 거부 운동 - 사회 운동과 사회 갈등 미들섹스 대학교, 미발표 박사 논문, 2002.
  2. ^ 건 쿠닝하임, 패트릭. '70년대 오토노미아: 작품 거부, 당과 정치' 문화학 검토 (현대 이탈리아 정치론 특집호)[호주 멜버른 대학] 2005년 9월 제11권 제2호, 페이지 77-94.